This past week, the
Government of Jamaica failed in its bid to have the State of Emergency (SoE)
declared a few weeks earlier by Prime Minister Andrew Holness for seven police
divisions in the island, extended for an additional three months. This failure
was the result of non-support by the Opposition Peoples National Party (PNP)
members of the Senate who voted against the measure. Their decision drew
derision from Senate Majority leader Tom Tavares Finson among
other Jamaica Labour Party (JLP) members who openly questioned
the loyalty to the country of those who opposed the measure, causing its
defeat. No attempt has been made to assess the arguments, or the facts
associated with the use of this measure and its overall impact on the country,
generally, or its impact on crime specifically.
I grew up in Jamaica in the period of the 1970s when the
then Michael Manley administration introduced legislation in
1974 which created the draconian Suppression of Crimes Act of 1974. This
measure introduced “hard-policing” measures including detentions, cordons and
searches, and just a general disregard for the targeted population-youths
(particularly Jamaican males in inner-city communities) aged 16-25. It led to
the passage of the Gun-Court Act in the same year which dished out indefinite
detention sentences after speedy trials (within 7 days of an arrest) for
illegal possession of firearms and or ammunition. That the British
Privy Council eventually declared the Gun Court unconstitutional,
seems lost on a majority of Jamaicans, and any lesson value from attempting to
use short-term fixes to address the island’s crime problems over the years
becomes completely lost on most.
Jamaica suffers from a kind of socio-political miasma whenever
opportunities arise to address hard issues, in particular the crime issue. It
highlights the “two Jamaica’s” syndrome completely as at one end resides the
poor and downtrodden who bear the brunt of the brutality dished out by the
State in executing these Emergency declarations. Those who reside in gated
communities or have their communities electronically surveilled and or
patrolled by armed security officers are oblivious to the damage caused to
sections of our population by virtue of the lack of, or under-investment in
developing these communities. These critics are conveniently blind to the
long-termed effect of the neglect of infrastructure, cutbacks in education
resources, and the general lack of investment in supporting economic activities
within too many of our communities. Worse, they are numb to the fact that a
child who did not benefit from solid foundational educational grounding at the
elementary and primary level, will most likely become a misfit in the secondary
stage and not just a failure afterward, but a member of the unattached youth
throng and a prime candidate for antisocial behaviors later on.
In a Gleaner newspaper
interview published November 16, 2018, Ms. Alethea Fuller, head of the Policy and
Commissioning Division for the Police and crime commissioner in West Midlands
advised that “ hard security measures will have little impact on crime and
violence if the authorities fail to address the needs of vulnerable teenagers,
who are the primary gang recruitment pool in almost all jurisdictions.” Fuller
went on to state that, “The voice of the youths is critical in any security
strategy implemented by the Government. I don't think we can do this work
without the community. We cannot go into a community and do work without them
being involved. They are not going to want to know. They have got to come up
with the solution."
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